
The U.S. Senate has approved President Donald Trump’s first and only nominee to the Boston-based federal appeals court. Until recently, most of the justices on this court were chosen by Democrats and often rejected his policy proposals.
The Republican-led Senate voted 52-46 along party lines to make Joshua Dunlap, a conservative lawyer from Maine who often worked on conservative legal cases, a life-tenured judge on the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.
As of Thursday, that court was the only one of the 13 appeals courts without any active judges appointed by Republican presidents. That has helped make district courts in New England a popular place for Democratic state attorneys general and advocacy groups to file cases against Trump’s agenda.
In his first term, Trump didn’t name any judges to the 1st Circuit. At the start of his second term, he almost lost the chance to choose one when his Democratic predecessor, Joe Biden, put forth a nomination to fill a seat that U.S. Circuit Judge William Kayatta had held.
But Biden couldn’t get Julia Lipez confirmed as his candidate before he departed office. Kayatta, who Democratic President Barack Obama appointed, formally became a senior in October 2024, just days before the presidential election that delivered Trump back to the White House.
In July, Trump chose Dunlap, a partner at the legal firm Pierce Atwood, to fill the open position. He said that if the Senate confirmed him, he would “fearlessly defend our Constitution.”
Dunlap got his bachelor’s degree from Pensacola Christian College and then went to Notre Dame Law School, where he graduated in 2008. During law school, he worked as an intern with what is now known as the Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative Christian legal rights nonprofit.
As a lawyer, he has worked on cases that have challenged Maine’s paid family and medical leave program, the state’s campaign finance rules, and the use of ranked-choice voting to run the state’s elections.
This is the second judge approved this week.
The U.S. Senate also confirmed a former clerk for conservative Supreme Court Justices Neil Gorsuch and the late Antonin Scalia to be a judge on the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.
The Republican-controlled Senate voted 52 to 45 in favor of Eric Tung, a partner at Jones Day. This made him the first judge President Donald Trump selected for the San Francisco-based appeals court during his second administration.
His confirmation brings the total number of judges Trump appointed to the 9th Circuit from 2017 to 2020 during his first term to 10. This weakens the power of Democratic appointees, who have long held sway on a court that was previously thought to be the most liberal of all the federal appellate courts.
There are currently 16 Democratic appointees and 13 Republican appointees on the 9th Circuit, including Tung. In July, Trump nominated Tung to fill the seat that U.S. Circuit Judge Sandra Segal Ikuta had held. She stated in March that she would step down when a successor was named.
When Trump announced Tung’s nomination, he called him a “Tough Patriot” on social media and said he would preserve the Rule of Law in the “most RADICAL, Leftist States” like California, Oregon, and Washington. These are three of the nine states that the 9th Circuit has jurisdiction over.
Tung is a partner at the law firm Jones Day in Los Angeles. Before that, he was a federal prosecutor and worked for the U.S. Department of Justice.
Tung worked as a clerk for Gorsuch twice: once when he was on the 10th Circuit Court of Appeals and again after Trump confirmed him to the Supreme Court in 2017. He had also worked for Scalia, who passed away in 2016.
BREAKING: Zohran Mamdani Has Been Stopped
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which reflects the author’s opinion.
The wheels are coming off the socialist bus.
New York Gov. Kathy Hochul is tapping the brakes on Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani’s $700 million plan for free city buses, casting early doubt on one of the far-left lawmaker’s biggest campaign promises, The New York Post reported.
Speaking at the SOMOS political retreat in Puerto Rico on Saturday, Hochul said she’s already spent heavily to support the city’s struggling MTA and questioned how much further the state could go.
“I continue to be excited at the work of making the slowest buses in America fast and free,” Mamdani said Monday during an unrelated press conference. “And I appreciate the governor’s continued partnership in delivering on that agenda of affordability.”
But Hochul’s comments in San Juan marked the latest break between the moderate Democratic governor and Mamdani, the Democratic socialist she endorsed just two months ago.
Hochul happily rode Mamdani’s coattails during the campaign as he energized progressives with promises of affordability and social programs, but she has shown far less enthusiasm for actually paying for them.
The governor has rejected several of Mamdani’s cornerstone ideas, including proposals to raise taxes on wealthy New Yorkers to fund $10 billion in new benefits like free child care and fareless transit.
Her caution could create a serious roadblock for the incoming mayor, whose ambitious plans rely on support from Albany to move forward.
The top two Democratic leaders in the state Legislature — Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie and Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins — have signaled more willingness to help Mamdani pursue his agenda.
That divide leaves Hochul increasingly isolated from the party’s energized left flank, which has been openly pressuring her to embrace higher taxes on the rich.
During recent public appearances, activists have twice interrupted the governor with chants of “Tax the rich,” drawing a sharp rebuke.
The more you push me, the more I’m not going to do what you want,” Hochul told the SOMOS crowd in response.
Still, Hochul did not fully reject Mamdani’s wish list.
She said she’s open to working with him on expanding free child care, though she made clear it would be an expensive and long-term goal.
“We’ll be on a path to get there, because I’m committed to this as ‘mom governor’ — I get it,” Hochul said.
“But also to do it statewide, right now, it’s about $15 billion — the entire amount of my reserves.”
The cautious tone was a reality check for Mamdani, who has portrayed himself as the champion of “everyday New Yorkers” and promised to make the city more affordable through massive new public spending.
Hochul’s remarks also came as she continues her own political maneuvering ahead of a likely 2026 re-election bid.
After the SOMOS conference, she flew to the Dominican Republic to attend a breakfast celebrating cross-cultural exchange — an event seen as an appeal to one of New York’s largest and most influential immigrant voting blocs.
Hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers trace family roots to the Dominican Republic, making the outreach a politically savvy move for a governor seeking to rebuild her base while keeping the party’s left wing at arm’s length.
Whether Hochul and Mamdani can maintain their uneasy alliance may determine not only the future of free buses and child care, but also the balance of power within the New York Democratic Party.
The fluorescent lights in Courtroom 3B cast a harsh glow over the polished benches and faded carpet, worn by countless family disputes. The air conditioning hummed steadily, but it couldn’t cool the tension between Damian Carter and me, which had been building for eight months since our divorce.
I am Sarah Martinez-Carter, thirty-four, and I never imagined I would fight for custody of my own son. The optimistic woman I was five years ago – trusting, believing love could overcome all – felt like a stranger. That woman had trusted Damian’s charm, thinking he was ready to be the husband and father we needed. Now, sitting on a hard bench with sweaty palms and a racing heart, I knew better.
Zaden, my eight-year-old, sat beside me, his small legs swinging nervously. His hair was neatly combed, and he wore his favorite blue airplane shirt, chosen to make him feel “grown-up and brave.” Yet I could see the stress in his eyes and the way his shoulders hunched slightly, as if trying to make himself invisible.
Across the aisle, Damian exuded confidence. His attorney, Marcus Webb, a sharp-featured man in a tailored suit, sat beside him. Damian’s charcoal gray suit, perfect hair, and polished demeanor projected authority and success – the kind that impresses judges and juries. But I knew the man behind the mask. Nine years of marriage had shown me his volatile temper and manipulative ways.
For the first few months post-divorce, the custody arrangement worked. Damian picked up Zaden every other weekend and for Wednesday dinners, returning him on time. Communication remained civil, following our court-mandated co-parenting classes.
But gradually, things changed. Zaden returned from visits withdrawn, anxious, and complaining of unexplained stomachaches. He asked hesitant questions: “Is Daddy mad at Mommy?” and “Can kids get in trouble for telling secrets?”
Then came the nightmares, the slipping grades, and the bruises. Zaden began showing signs of stress, and teachers noticed the changes. When I consulted child psychologist Dr. Patricia Chen, she advised gentle questioning. Zaden remained silent, clearly afraid to reveal what happened during his father’s visits.
Three months ago, Zaden returned with a suspicious bruise. I photographed it and contacted my attorney, Maria Rodriguez. While I prepared to request custody modification, Damian preemptively filed for full custody, falsely claiming Zaden wanted to live with him.
Two weeks later, we sat before Judge Harold Morrison, a man known for fairness and careful attention to children’s welfare. Damian presented his case confidently, painting himself as stable and capable.
“Mr. Carter,” Judge Morrison said, “you claim Zaden wants to live with you full-time. Is that correct?”
“Yes, Your Honor,” Damian replied, falsely asserting that Zaden had concerns about my emotional stability.
I looked at Zaden. His hands were clenched, jaw tense, eyes fixed on the floor. The words stung – not only were they lies, but they attacked my mental health.
Judge Morrison turned to Zaden. “Would you please stand?”
Zaden hesitated, then slid off the bench. His small frame looked even smaller against the courtroom’s grandeur.
“Your Honor,” he said nervously, “may I play a recording from last night?”
The room froze. Judge Morrison raised his eyebrows. Marcus Webb hesitated, unsure how to respond to a child. My attorney, Maria, smiled subtly – this could be the evidence we needed. Damian’s confident facade faltered.
Zaden’s voice grew stronger as he explained: he had recorded his father’s phone call, during which Damian coached him to lie in court. Damian threatened both Zaden and me if he didn’t comply.
The courtroom went silent as Damian’s voice played:
“Tell the judge you want to live with me, or bad things will happen to you and Mommy.”
Zaden’s tiny protests punctuated the recording:
“But I like living with Mommy.”
Damian’s manipulation was clear. Marcus Webb, speechless, simply stared.
Judge Morrison’s expression shifted to controlled fury. He addressed Damian:
“You explicitly told your child that bad things would happen if he didn’t lie. This is parental manipulation and emotional abuse.”
The judge immediately modified custody. I was awarded sole physical and legal custody. Damian’s visitation became supervised, contingent on counseling and parenting classes. The matter was referred to authorities for potential criminal charges.
Relief washed over me. Zaden’s courage had protected us both. Holding his hand, I marveled at his bravery – no child should have to defend themselves from a parent.
Six months later, life had settled. Zaden thrived in school, nightmares ceased, and his cheerfulness returned. We moved into a larger apartment and adopted a small orange tabby, Pumpkin. Damian, through court-mandated programs, learned patience and respect. He apologized and gradually rebuilt a cautiously positive relationship with Zaden.
Zaden’s phone remained a symbol of empowerment. He learned that standing up to bullies, even parents, can protect those you love.
That day in Courtroom 3B was terrifying yet empowering. An eight-year-old showed that truth, courage, and careful documentation outweigh lies. Zaden, now eleven, carries that lesson forward: speaking the truth, even when scary, is always right.
Sometimes, the smallest witnesses speak the loudest. In our case, Zaden’s recording saved our family. Truth doesn’t need to shout – it simply needs to be real.